I ran for president against Trump. America will rise again when he fails

Welcome to Trump’s America, The i Paper’s World Insight series presenting the sharpest, deepest thinking on an era-defining shift in history and politics, investigating how Donald Trump and his administration have changed the US and the world – and where we go from here.

• How America’s conspiracy theorists broke the US
• The US is becoming impossible to live in
• I told Trump over dinner he didn’t have my loyalty – it sealed my fate
• This is how the world will look after Trump
• Sin City has lost its shine. It shows how far America has fallen
• The influencer who turned on Maga – claiming it has a dark secret
• Inside America’s most loyal Trump town – where people still think he’s ‘a good man’

In 2023, I knew the odds were against me as I became a Republican candidate for President of the United States. Former President Donald Trump was running as well and he both motivated me to announce my candidacy – and made it near-impossible to win.

I was motivated because I could not support a candidate who refused to peacefully transfer power after the 2020 election loss. Trump’s failure in leadership during the January 6 attack on our Capitol reaffirmed to me that the GOP needed to go a different direction.

After being elected as Arkansas Governor for two terms – serving from 2015 to 2023 – and holding key positions at the federal level during the Bush administration, I knew how to get things done and was ready to lead as President. But I underestimated the effectiveness of Trump’s message of grievance and isolating America. Trump was relentless in attacking our justice system and offering to provide the retribution many people wanted.

My message was different. I wanted my campaign to bring out the best of America and not appeal to her worst instincts. Angry and divisive voices may motivate voters but they do not solve problems. I offered Republican voters a different solution for America’s future… one grounded in conservative solutions at home and working with our allies abroad as partners in a dangerous world. I spoke for a united front between the United States and our European allies in opposing Russian aggression in Ukraine and the security threats posed by Iran.

Some today wonder whether democracy in the United States is headed in the wrong direction. On the campaign trail in Iowa, New Hampshire and South Carolina, I had the chance to speak to voters and they gave me hope for the future. One Iowa farmer told me he just wanted things to be normal again. I concluded that our democracy is both fragile and resilient. It is fragile because freedom is at risk with misguided and ineffective leaders. It is resilient because it always bounces back when leaders fail.

I remember the failures during the presidency of Jimmy Carter. He believed America was in a “malaise” and that our best days were behind us. After four years of energy shortages, Iran hostages and inflation, Ronald Reagan was elected in 1980 because he saw America as “the shining city on the hill”. He created an economic rebound at home and confronted Soviet Russia and gave hope to the free world. Our democracy proved resilient.

Trump’s surprise change of direction

A presidential campaign is designed for voters to understand the character and vision of the candidate. Trump’s style has not changed, but he surprised everyone with his about-face on foreign policy. I remember him promising to limit America’s intervention in the affairs of far-away governments. Instead, Trump has effectively used US military might in Venezuela and Iran. While I campaigned for an America that leads abroad, his vision of America’s role in the world is one of America going it alone and then expecting our allies to fall in line.

Despite the change in direction on foreign policy, the heavy-handed exercise of presidential power on the domestic front comes as no surprise. President Trump has methodically concentrated power in the office of the presidency. Executive branch power has increased dramatically under Trump, while the legislative and judicial branches are failing to keep up with his frenetic style of governing. We have seen this expansion of power in many ways, including in the dismantling of the US Agency for International Development (AID) by executive order, with the President firing staff and ending its mission despite it being authorised and funded by Congress.

The power of the president has been redefined under Trump. He has largely prevailed in his efforts to be in charge of the executive branch of government, firing civil servants at will and without complying with notice periods set by Congress.

The independence of federal agencies from the Federal Reserve to the Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts (now the Trump-Kennedy Center) has been circumvented by his appointing loyalists to key positions and firing those who disagree with his agenda. The result is a government that acts on a social media post or an executive order of the President, while ignoring the normal governing process. Trump has abandoned any pretence of impartiality and asserted his will without debate.

Ever since the Watergate scandal during the Nixon administration, the Department of Justice has made decisions on criminal cases independent of the White House. Presidential interference was considered taboo for over 50 years. Now, the President routinely tells the Justice Department who to target for prosecution – sometimes by social media – as in the case of James Comey, former FBI Director; Letitia James, Attorney General of New York; or Senator Mark Kelly of Arizona, whose comments offended the President. This may be done by social media, but the message is clear.

Now, a President can sue his own government for $10bn (as in the case of Trump suing the Treasury) and direct that agency and the Department of Justice to settle the case for his benefit. The independence of the Justice Department is no more.

A dangerous imbalance

The US constitution creates a conflict in that the President is the Commander-in-Chief of the military, while Congress has the exclusive power to declare war. Presidents have argued “defensive” military action is not subject to the powers of Congress. Trump used this argument to shoot down drug-running “go-fast” boats in the Caribbean and most recently for attacks on Iran.

The US constitution creates a conflict in that the President is the Commander-in-Chief of the military while Congress has the exclusive power to declare war. Presidents have argued “defensive” military action is not subject to the powers of Congress. Trump used this argument to shoot down drug-running “go-fast” boats in the Caribbean and most recently for attacks on Iran.

If the United States uses military force to enter a foreign country to kill cartel gang members, the argument will be that this is a defensive action to protect the US from fentanyl hitting our streets. As I said during the campaign, the cartels should be targeted – but it should be done in partnership with other countries or by Congress declaring war – otherwise it will create ill will among our friends and unnecessary risk for America.

A major question for historians will be whether Trump’s accumulation of power in his second term is beneficial to our democracy or harmful. In my view, the expanded role of the White House has created a dangerous imbalance in the division of governmental power.

Another debate for the future is whether Congress and the Courts will serve as a meaningful check on the expanded presidential authority assumed by the Trump administration. Elections matter and candidates should be having this conversation with the voters as we approach the critical midterm elections.

The President is hosting a UFC (Ultimate Fighting Championship) match this month on the lawn of the White House with thousands in attendance to be entertained by the mixed-martial arts competition. It is actually a fond reminder of another tough leader – former President Theodore Roosevelt, who hosted a boxing match in the East Room.

Joe Rogan, a successful podcaster and former UFC professional, was slightly critical of Trump for hosting the fight, calling it a gimmick. When Trump was asked about Rogan’s comment, he responded, “It is a gimmick. Life is a gimmick, if you think about it, right?” That comment expresses with clarity Trump’s world view. To live by gimmickry is to live based upon pretence without regard to customary societal or constitutional constraints.

Asa Hutchinson is a former Republican Presidential Candidate, the 46th Governor of Arkansas and a former Member of Congress. He is a practicing lawyer and can be reached at asa@ahlawgroup.com