HistoriCity | Transgender identities always a part of India’s cultural discourse

E-PaperSubscribeSubscribeEnjoy unlimited accessSubscribe Now! Get features like Transgender identities have long been part of India’s social and cultural landscape. Parliament’s recent passage of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Bill 2026, has once again reignited issues surrounding gender identity, self-identification and dignity. Among the most significant changes concerns the definition of a “transgender person.” The 2019 Act adopted a broad and inclusive definition, explicitly recognising a spectrum of transgender persons. This amendment, however, replaces this with a narrower formulation; recognising certain socio-cultural identities such as hijra, kinner, aravani, and jogta, but excluding several other identities. A supporter of the LGBTQIA+ community during a protest against passage of Transgender Persons Bill. (PTI photo)In ancient times, members of the transgender community were often integrated into religious and community life, while in the medieval period their roles became more complex and sometimes politically significant. Transgender individuals were involved in religious ceremonies, temple service, and broader cultural practices. As always, understanding the historical recognition of gender diversity–particularly when it comes to the third gender– is essential to situate contemporary debates on transgender identities in India. Transgender recognition in Ancient India Veerendra Mishra, in his work Transgenders in India, highlights that early texts such as the Kama Sutra and Manusmriti refer to Tritiya Prakriti, or a “third gender,” along with pums-prakriti (male) and stri-prakriti (female) acknowledging gender diversity. According to the Manusmriti, the sex of a child was believed to depend on the relative quantity of male and female ‘seeds’ at conception. A greater proportion of the male seed was thought to result in a male child, while a greater proportion of the female seed would produce a female child. If the two were present in equal measure, the outcome was believed to be either a third-sex child or the birth of male and female twins. Also Read: HistoriCity | Hormuz and its Nakhuda Connection with India In Brahmanical and Buddhist thought, gender was understood through the presence or absence of specific primary and secondary sexual characteristics, as well as the capacity for procreation. As Leanoard Zwilling and Michael J. Sweet posit, individuals who lacked procreative ability--often described as impotent--were classified as napumsaka, a category understood as the third gender. Jains thought approached gender differently from Brahmanical and Buddhist traditions. According to M Michaelraj, it distinguished between dravyalinga (biological sex) and bhavalinga (psychological gender). While dravyalinga referred to physical sexual characteristics, bhavalinga described an individual’s inner or psychological disposition. Zwilling and Sweet further state, “as early as the fifth century C.E. The Jains themselves had used such terms as trtuya (”third”) and trairasika (”third heap”, after an archaic Jain heresy) to refer to persons of the third sex. The class of transvestite singers, dancers, and prostitutes known as hijras are the contemporary representatives of the unmales and third sex of earlier times” Hindu mythology further reflected ideas of gender fluidity through figures such as Ardhanarishvara (the fusion of Shiva and Parvati), Shikhandi (a trans man and slayer of the Mahabharata’s Bhishma), and Mohini (an avatar of Krishna), presenting non-binary or fluid gender identities as part of the divine order and contributing to their social recognition. According to one popular legend, when Rama left for exile, he requested the men and women accompanying him to return home. Upon his return 14 years later, he found a group still waiting at the border. They explained that since his instruction had been addressed only to men and women, and they belonged to neither category, they chose to remain there. Moved by their loyalty, Rama is said to have granted transgender persons the power to offer blessings at auspicious occasions such as births and marriages, a tradition that continues today, known as badhai. If we focus on a particular sub-categorisation, the term hijra is believed to have entered common use in the Indian subcontinent through Urdu during the Mughal period in the 16th century, though scholars such as Jessica Hinchy question the lack of evidence enabling a comparison of this term with the Odia maichiya or the Telegu kojja. Nevertheless, historical records suggest that transgender persons held significant positions under the Delhi Sultanate and then the Mughal Empire, often serving as trusted members of the royal household. One prominent example of this is of Taj al-Din Izz al-Dawla, better known as Malik Kafur, who was a prominent general under Alauddin Khalji, leading campaigns against Southern kingdoms and the Mongols in the 14th century. The trust that Khalji placed on Kafur was deeply criticised by chronicler Ziauddin Barani. According to Abraham Eraly, however, Barani’s “excoriations are not quite credible, for he was deeply prejudiced against Malik Kafur, whom he invariably described as a ‘wicked fellow’, presumably because he was not a Turk but an Islamised Hindu and a eunuch”. Under the Mughals, the Ain-i-Akbari by Abul Fazl, for instance, provides detailed accounts of the roles played by hijras in the Mughal administration, where they served as guards of the royal harem, performers, and at times even as diplomatic envoys. Many worked as guards of royal courts and custodians of harems, while some became close aides to queens and influential figures within the court. Known as Khawaja Sira, they were regarded as loyal and trustworthy, which allowed some to accumulate considerable authority, wealth, and prestige. In certain cases, they rose to prominent roles as administrators, political advisors, teachers to royalty, and even military commanders. This is not to say there was no abuse. As Gavin Hambly traces through his study of the Ain-i-Akbari, and European sources of the 16th and 17th centuries, the subah of Bengal was the principal source of eunuchs for the Mughal empire, particularly Ghoraghat and Sylhet. He claims that while the demand for eunuchs existed centuries prior, this was a practice that gained particular prevalence under Firoz Shah Tughlaq, “whose policy it was to send slaves to Delhi in lieu of revenue”. Mughal emperor Jahangir abhorred this “eunuch tribute”, and made attempts to ban it, but to no avail. Also Read: HistoriCity | Mamata’s constituency Bhowanipore is as old as it is fascinating Another term is that of the khwajasaras, or “masculine-presenting enslaved eunuchs who worked households and state bureaucracies”, as Hinchy states. Many hijra communities also view khwajasaras as an important part of their historical lineage, particularly in Pakistan, where khwajasara is often the preferred term of identification over hijra. Hinchy also spotlights historian Laurence W. Preston’s study of King Sahi of Satara (I708-49), and asserts that under Maratha rule, a vatandar hijra was recognised in each subdistrict and granted hereditary rights (vatan) to collect donations, which passed down within their lineage. Hijras were also provided small cash allowances (varsasans) and rent-free land grants (inams), typically inherited through guru-chela lineages. Preston observes that although hijras were viewed as socially distinct, the state nonetheless created mechanisms to ensure their economic support, a mirroring of trends that were seen in early modern South Asia at the time. Criminalisation under Colonial Rule With the consolidation of colonial rule under the British East India Company and later the British Raj, the position of transgender communities in India changed significantly. As Hinchy notes, “In 1865, the British rulers of north India resolved to bring about the gradual ‘extinction’ of transgender Hijras.” Earlier systems of patronage and recognition were gradually dismantled, contributing to the increasing marginalisation of hijra communities. Colonial administrators also imposed moral frameworks influenced by the Victorian period; viewing gender and sexual diversity with suspicion. Laws such as Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code (1860) criminalised same-sex relations, while the Criminal Tribes Act (1871) specifically targeted ‘eunuchs’, requiring their registration, placing them under surveillance, and restricting their public activities. Colonial discourse frequently portrayed them as immoral or deviant, reinforcing social stigma. Administrative practices such as census classifications that recognised only male and female categories, further erased gender diversity from official records. These policies significantly reshaped the social and economic conditions of transgender communities, and their effects continued to influence patterns of marginalisation even after India’s independence. Author Valay Singh’s HistoriCity is a column about a city in the news based on its documented history, mythology, and archaeological digs. The views expressed are personal.